French & Indian War
     Part 4 ~ 1756

   aka ~ Seven Years War

     1754 - 1763

     Despite efforts to keep the war from spreading to Europe, Great Britain signed a defense treaty with Prussia against France (and Russia) on 16 January 1756. In response, France signed a pact with Austria (who was already in league with Russia) and later Sweden and Saxony. The French invaded Minorca, a Mediterranean island off the coast of Spain, at the time held by England. Then, on 15 May 1756, Great Britain formally declared war on France. The conflict, in its European stage, would be called the Seven Years War.

    After his campaign against Fort Niagara failed, General Shirley returned to New York to formulate plans for the next year’s course of action. The plan he devised was to launch another campaign to capture the French forts at Niagara, Frontenac and Toronto on Lake Ontario; to capture the forts at Ticonderoga and Crown Point on Lake Champlain; to make a second attempt to take Fort Duquesne on the Ohio River; and to invade the region around Quebec.

    There was only one small problem with Shirley’s plan: in order to accomplish it all, the English colonies would have to raise a militia of over sixteen thousand men. The colonies balked at the idea. Pennsylvania and Virginia outright refused to participate in it because the Indian depradations on their frontiers were taxing their abilities to raise the militia even for their own immediate defense. Initially, the New England colonies were not too keen to finance another expedition against Crown Point so soon after the first one ended in failure. But after they learned that Parliament was willing to provide some compensation for the debts incurred during the campaign of 1755, they decided to take another chance on General Shirley’s plan. The only condition they placed on Shirley was that the militia that would be raised in New England were to be utilized solely on the planned attacks on Ticonderoga and Crown Point.

    The English constructed new fortifications in the Mohawk Valley during the late winter months of 1756; they were intended to guard and facilitate the transport of supplies to the forts at Oswego. One, named Fort Williams, was located on the Mohawk River at the Great Carrying Place between the Mohawk and Wood Creek. Another, Fort Bull, which was more of a palisaded storehouse than a fort, was constructed four miles from Fort Williams along Wood Creek. To the southeast of these two forts, in the valley known as German Flats, the farmstead of Nicholas Herkimer was fortified.

    During the spring of 1756, both the English and French forces in North America received new commanders-in-general. On 11 May, Louis Joseph, Marquis de Montcalm-Gozon de Saint-Veran arrived in Canada to take command of the French armies. At about the same time, word was received by General Shirley that he was to be superceded by Colonel Daniel Webb. Webb would later be superceded by General James Abercrombie, who subsequently would be replaced by the Earl of Loudoun. On 23 July, John Campbell, Earl of Loudoun arrived to take command of the English armies.

    Iroquois spies delivered messages to the governor of Canada at the time, Pierre Francois Riguad, Marquis de Vaudreuil, to the effect that the English were planning to renew the attempts made during the previous year against Crown Point and Niagara. In order to be better prepared if the Indians were right, Vaudreuil directed the fortification of Ticonderoga and the strengthening of the forts at Niagara and Frontenac. He likewise made plans to launch an attack on Fort Ontario, New Oswego and the Old Oswego (or Fort Pepperrell), known collectively as Oswego, located where the Oswego River emptied into Lake Ontario in order to obtain complete control over Lake Ontario. To that end, he would send the Marquis de Montcalm.

    In February, prior to Montcalm's arrival, Vaudreuil dispatched Lieutenant Gaspard-Joseph Chaussegros de Lery with a force of three hundred and sixty-two hand-picked soldiers to reduce the forts blocking the pathway to Oswego. The force consisted of a mix of troupes de terre, or regular line soldiers from France, native Canadian militia and Indians. Early on a morning in late-March the French army approached Fort Bull. The French came suddenly upon a party of twelve English soldiers conveying three wagons of supplies for the thirty provincial troops who were garrisoning Fort Bull. Levy saw the opportunity and immediately rushed upon the fortified storehouse. The wave of French troops pushing toward the small fort almost made their way into the palisaded compound before the English could shut the gate. The French did not let that stop them; they poked their muskets through the loopholes in the walls and fired upon the English troops. Despite their desparate situation, the English would not yield to the French demands for surrender. For over an hour, the English pelted the French with bullets and grenades, and the French returned the fire hotly. Eventually the French were successful in breaking down the main gate of the fort, and they poured in. In the massacre that followed, only two or three English soldiers and one woman, who had hid when the fighting started, escaped death. Lery withdrew his men after setting fire to the fort, destroying a large part of the supplies intended for Oswego.

    After his arrival, Montcalm lost little time in asserting his intentions to end the war quickly by attacking the English held forts at Oswego and Fort George on Lake Ontario, and eventually claiming victory over them on 14 August. Montcalm's campaign against Oswego was put into action in as soon as the waters of the Saint Lawrence River became navigable for the summer. Coulon de Villiers was sent, in May, with a force of eleven hundred French troupes de terre, Canadians and Indians, to harass the forts at Oswego.

    Lieutenant Colonel John Bradstreet was placed in charge of two thousand boatmen, divided into three divisions, to convey supplies from Albany to the English forces at Oswego. To that end, Bradstreet's convoy had made a trip with supplies for the forts in late-June. On three hundred and fifty bateaux, and with one thousand men, Bradstreet was able to complete the delivery of supplies to Oswego and thereby prevent the fort from collapsing due to starvation. The convoy was making the return trip up the Mohawk River, on 03 July, and had reached a point about nine miles from Oswego when, at about three o'clock in the afternoon, they received heavy fire from the depths of the forest on the east side of the river. It was Villiers' force of seven hundred Canadians and Indians.

    From that first volley, a considerable number of men under Bradstreet were mowed down and some were taken prisoner. The French could have withdrawn with a victory to their credit, but they decided to pursue the English and claim more victims. To that end, they crossed the river to an island. Colonel Bradstreet was aware of their movement ahead of him. With only eight men, Bradstreet followed the French to the island where they maintained an harassing fire until more of the English troops could join them. When the number reached about twenty, they moved on the French, pushing them back a little. The English made another thrust at the French, who were beginning to sense the mistake they had made. The French made their way along the edge of the island looking for another place to cross the river. Bradstreet’s small party of twenty, by that time, had grown to two hundred and fifty. Leaving some of those troops to guard against the French doubling back and crossing downstream, Bradstreet took the rest and headed forward. The French were found among a stand of pine in a swampy area near the shoreline and the English opened fire on them. For nearly an hour the two forces fired at each other to little effect. Finally, Bradstreet urged his men to make an advance on the French. Villiers' Canadian and Indian troops were taken aback by the unexpected ferocity of Bradstreet's troops, and they fell back toward the Oswego River. Trapped, with nowhere to run, Villiers' troops jumped into the river in an attempt to swim out of Bradstreet's grasp. The English easily picked off large numbers, but because the river's swift current carried many of the bodies downstream, an accurate count of the dead could not be made.

    A group of French soldiers made their way to the site of the battle with the intention of reinforcing their comrades. They, in turn, were set upon by Bradstreet's men and forced back across the river. English reinforcements arrived through the evening, and Bradstreet was emboldened to follow the French. But as day broke on the 4th, it began to rain; it poured so heavily that the Lieutenant Colonel changed his mind and ordered his men to continue their journey back to Albany.

    John Bradstreet tried to encourage his superiors to concentrate their attentions on the reinforcement of the garrisons at Oswego. But the English high command was not listening to a provincial militia commander. James Abercromby, who had replaced Governor Shirley as commander of the English armies in North America prior to Loudoun's arrival from England, would not allow Bradstreet to attend the army's council of war held on 16 July. Abercromby's plan of action was to have Major General Daniel Webb march his regiment to Oswego, but he did not insist that Webb hurry to that end. As a result, Webb's regiment was still at Albany on 23 July when Loudoun arrived. Webb moved his army as far as Schenectady, only fifteen miles from Albany, and then spent two weeks arguing over provisions contracts. The English army under Daniel Webb finally resumed their march and by 14 August had reached German Flats and the fortified farmstead of Nicholas Herkimer. They would be too late to reinforce the garrisons at Oswego, because by that date the French had already procured the surrender of the forts.

    Having been warned that the English were intending to increase the garrison at Fort Ticonderoga, Governor Vaudreuil devised a plan which called for feigning an attack on Oswego in order to draw off some of the enemy from Ticonderoga. If the feint worked, so much the better; it might develop into a real attack and the possibility of taking Oswego. Montcalm was recalled from Ticonderoga and arrived at Momtreal on 19 July. There he established a base at which a new army comprised of recruits from Quebec and other French provinces and Indians was organized. Indians from the Menominee tribe of the region to the west of Lake Michigan joined the French and became part of Montcalm's army.

    On 29 July 1756, thirteen hundred French regulars, seventeen hundred Canadian militia, and a large number of Indians assembled at Fort Frontenac under the command of Montcalm. They headed southward and approached Oswego on the 3rd of August. Spies reported that the fort was neither well constructed nor garrisoned by more than six or seven hundred men.

    Montcalm moved his first division to Wolf Island on the night of 04 August and hid there until that evening. When darkness again approached, Montcalm moved on to Niaoure Bay where he joined forces with Rigaud de Vaudreuil, brother of the governor on the morning of 06 August. Following behind Montcalm's division, a second division bringing supplies and eighty artillery boats, arrived at Niaoure Bay on the 8th. The army landed within half a league of forts at Oswego around midnight of the 10th of August. Under the cover of the darkness, the French set up four cannon on batteries and then waited patiently in their bateaux until morning.

    An English soldier, reconnoitering the strand surrounding the fort, was surprised to find the French army so completely entrenched, and reported its presence to the rest of the garrison.

    As daylight broke on the 11th of August 1756, the French began a general siege of the fortifications. The French and their Indian allies bombarded Fort Oswego and Fort Ontario throughout the day with musket balls and cannon balls. Twenty-two additional cannon were brought to the front of the French line, which was established at about one hundred and eighty yards from the forts, and contributed to the general bombardment of the fort.

    Two English vessels on Lake Ontario attempted to silence the French cannonade, but their smaller caliber balls were no match to the heavier French artillery.

    Throughout the 11th of August, while the siege was taking place, the French continued to strengthen their line. A trench was dug and a breastwork was erected out of tree trunks and brush.

    Fort Ontario, constructed of tree trunks cut flat on two sides, and set upright into the ground closely together, stood on a high plateau on the east side of the river at the point where the Oswego River emptied into Lake Ontario. The garrison of three hundred and seventy holding Fort Ontario had eight small caliber cannon and one mortar for the fort's defense. They maintained a brisk fire at the French throughout the 12th and 13th, but once their ammunition was spent, their guns fell ominously silent. Headquartered at the stone structure of Old Oswego, which stood on the west side of the river, opposite to Fort Ontario, was Colonel Hugh Mercer the garrison's commandant. Mercer noticed the silence of cannon fire from Fort Ontario and correctly perceived that it was due to an end of ammunition. Although the French had not yet made any dent in Fort Ontario's wooden palisade, Mercer feared that if they correctly guessed the reason for the cessation of the fort's cannon fire, they might increase a bombardment of that structure. Mercer, therefore, signalled for Fort Ontario's garrison to abandon that structure and make their way to Old Oswego. The guns were spiked, and the troops left the fort, reaching Old Oswego relatively unmolested by the French and Indians.

    To the west of Old Oswego, about a quarter of a mile distant, stood the unfinished structure officially dubbed New Oswego, but known by the names of Fort George and Fort Rascal. Prior to the arrival of the French, the stockade had been used as a cattle pen. Throughout the battle, one hundred and fifty New Jersey militiamen held the fort. Their contribution to the fight was minimal, though, due to the distance from Old Oswego and Ontario.

    As darkness settled in on the evening of 13 August, Montcalm employed his troops at taking over the abandoned Fort Ontario. They constructed gabions to strengthen the walls and dragged twenty cannon (some of which had been captured in Braddock's defeat at Fort Duquesne) up the hillside to the stockade. Nine pieces of the artillery were in place by daybreak.

    At daybreak, the Montcalm opened fire on Old Oswego from Fort Ontario. The heavy caliber cannon balls used by the French crashed through the stone and masonry walls of Old Oswego. And the English were caught offguard. Why Mercer would have thought that the French would not invest the abandoned Fort Ontario is anyone's guess, but not only did he fail to take that possibility into consideration, he had positioned his own cannon facing to the south and west, anticipating an attack by the French from the land in those directions. The bombardment that the French now gave to Old Oswego was intense.

    In the course of the barrage, Colonel Mercer's body was ripped in two by a cannon ball. His men were giving a very spirited fight until that happened. But then the realization that their situation was all but hopeless set in and a council of the officers voted for capitulation to Montcalm. Lieutenant Colonel John Littlehales surrendered the fort to the French at 10:00am on 14 August. The English were assured safe conduct from the fort, but Montcalm could not control his Indian allies. Nearly one hundred of the fort's soldiers (including thirty who were in the fort's hospital at the time) and a number of civilians were massacred. In addition to the loss of the forts, the English lake fleet, including the ship, Oswego, surrendered to the French. The French, after plundering the stockades for supplies, set fire to all of the structures. The French now could claim control of all of Lake Ontario.

    Through the autumn and winter of 1756, the English forces in the region were forced to retreat eastward. With the shift in power, many of the families who had settled in the Mohawk Valley fled to Albany and Schenectady. Montcalm moved the main body of his French army from Fort Carillon and Fort Frederick to Montreal and Quebec, leaving only small garrisons at each of the prior forts. The English army withdrew to New York, Boston and Philadelphia. In their retreat from the Mohawk Valley, the fortifications at the Great Carrying Place were destroyed so that the French would not be able to take advantage of them.

    Despite the removal of the main English army from the region, raids against French posts were continued by Rogers' Rangers. Robert Rogers had raised a company of rangers in New Hampshire during 1755, and the successes of that company led him to raise another in the spring of 1756. So many New Englanders wanted to join Rogers' company of rangers, that he formed a second company by July, placing his brother, Richard, in charge of it. By the winter of 1756-57 nearly seven companies of rangers had been formed; they were in turn formed into a battalion under Rogers, who was appointed to the rank of major. Rogers and his Rangers harassed the French in the region of Lake George and Lake Champlain.

    While the main English army was engaging the French in the frontier of the province of New York, colonial militias were defending the middle colonies from French incited Indian attacks. Commencing in the autumn of 1755, following the defeat of Braddock's army in the Battle of the Wilderness, and continuing on through the spring and summer of 1756, the Indians from the Ohio Valley, in particular the Delaware, launched raid after raid against the Euro-American settlers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. The largely Quaker General Assembly of Pennsylvania, previously uncommitted to participating in the defense of the frontiers, even of its own, now began to approve the raising of militia to combat the Indian incursions.

    On 14 April 1756, Pennsylvania governor, Robert Morris issued a declaration of war against the Delaware. He stated that "Whereas, the Delaware tribe of Indians, and others in Confederacy with them, have for ƒome Time paƒt, without the leaƒt Provocation, and contrary to their moƒt Solemn Treaties, fallen upon this Province and in a moƒt cruel, ƒavage, and perfidious Manner, killed and butchered great Numbers of the Inhabitants, and carried others into barbarous Captivity; burning and deƒtroying their Habitations, and laying waƒte the Country...I have, therefore, by and with the Advice and conƒent of the Council, thought fit to iƒsue this Proclamation; and do hereby declare the ƒaid Delware Indians, and all others who, in Conjunction with them, have committed Hoƒtilities againƒt His Majeƒty's Subjects within this Province, to be Enemies, Rebels, and Traitors to His Moƒt Sacred Majeƒty; And I do hereby require all his Majeƒty's Subjects of this Province, and earneƒtly invite those of the neighboring Provinces to embrace all Opportunities of purƒuing, taking, killing, and deƒtroying the ƒaid Delaware Indians and all others confederated with them in committing Hoƒtilities, Incurƒions, Murders, or Ravages upon this Province..."

    Following an attack by French and Indians on Fort Granville (present-day Lewistown, Pennsylvania), plans were formulated by the General Assembly of Pennsylvania to send a militia force to destroy Kittanning, a major Indian town. It was believed that if the Indians were shown that the war could be brought directly into their homes, it might serve to inhibit some of their depradations against the Euro-American settlers.

    Kittanning was chosen as the militia's target because it was from that place that the Indian incursions generally originated. The Delaware chief, Captain Jacobs resided there, and occasionally the chief, King Shingas made his home there.

    On 30 August 1756, Colonel John Armstrong, with a detachment of three hundred and seven men set out from Fort Shirley on the Juniata River and headed for the Indian town. Colonel Armstrong's report on the expedition was submitted to the Pennsylvania General Assembly as stated:

"Agreeable to mine of the 29th Ultm, We marched from Fort Shirly the day following, and on Wedneƒday, the Third Inƒtant, joined our advanced party at the Beaver Dams, a few Miles from Franks Town, on the North branch of Juniata. We were there informed that ƒome of our Men having been out a Scout, had diƒcovered the Tracts of two Indians about three Miles on this ƒide of the Alleghenny Mountains, and but a few Miles from the Camp. From the freƒhneƒs of their Tracts, their killing of a Cub Bear, and the marks of their Fires it ƒeemed evident they were not twenty-four Hours before us, which might be looked upon as a particular Providence in our Favour that we were not diƒcovered. Next Morning we decamped, and in two Days came within fifty Miles of the Kittanning. It was then adjudged neceƒsary to ƒend ƒome Perƒons to reconnoitre the Town and to get the beƒt Intelligence they cou’d concerning the Situation and Poƒition of the Enemy; Whereupon an Officer with one of the Pilots and two Soldiers were ƒent off for that purpoƒe. The day following We met them on their Return, and they informed us that the Roads were entirely clear of the Enemy, and that they had the Greateƒt Reaƒon to believe they were not diƒcovered; but from the reƒt of the Intelligence they gave, it appear’d they had not been nigh enough the Town either to perceive the true Situation of it, the Number of the Enemy, or what way it might moƒt advantageouƒly be attacked. We continued our March, intending to get as near the Town as poƒsible that Night ƒo as to be able to Attack it next Morning about Day Light; but to our great diƒsatiƒfaction about nine or ten O’Clock at Night one of our Guides came and told us that he perceived a Fire by the Road ƒide at which he ƒaw two or three Indians a few perches diƒtant from our Front; Whereupon, with all poƒsible Silence, I ordered the rear to retreat about One Hundred perches in order to make way for the Front, that we might conƒult how we cou’d beƒt proceed without being diƒcovered by the Enemy. Soon after the Pilot returned a Second Time and aƒsured us from the beƒt obƒervations he cou’d make there were not above Three or Four Indians at the Fire. On which it was propoƒed that we ƒhou’d immediately ƒurround and cut them off; but this was thought too hazerdous; for if but one of the Enemy had eƒcaped It would have been the Means of diƒcovering the whole deƒign; and the light of the Moon, on which depended our advantageouƒly poƒting our Men and Attacking the Town, wou’d not admit of our ƒtaying until the Indians fell a Sleep. On which it was agreed to leave Lieutenant Hogg with twelve Men and the Perƒon who firƒt diƒcovered the Fire, with orders to watch the Enemy but not to attack them till break of Day, and then if poƒsible to cutt them off. It was alƒo agreed (we believing ourƒelves to be but about Six Miles from the Town) to leave the Horƒes, many of them being tired, with what Blankets and other Baggage we then had, and take a Circuit off of the Road, which was very rough and incommodious on Account of the Stones and fallen Timber, in order to prevent our being heard by the Enemy at the Fire place. This interruption much retarded our March; but a ƒtill greater Loƒs aroƒe from the Ignorance of our Pilots, who neither knew the true Situation of the Town nor the beƒt Paths that lead thereto, By which means, after croƒsing a Number of Hills and Vallys, our Front reached the River Ohio about one hundred Perches below the main Body of the Town, a little before the Setting of the Moon; To which place, rather than by the Pilots, we were guided by the Beating of a Drum and the Whooping of the Warriors at their Dance. It then became us to make the beƒt uƒe of the remaining Moon light, but are we were aware, an Indian whiƒtled in a very ƒinglar manner, about thirty perches from our Front in the foot of a Corn field; upon which we immediately ƒat down, and after paƒsing Silence to the rear, I aƒked one Baker, a Soldier, who was our beƒt Aƒsiƒtant, whether that was not a Signal to the Warriors of our Approach? He anƒwered no, and ƒaid it was the manner of a Young Fellow’s calling a Squa after he had done his Dance, who accordingly kindled a Fire, clean’d his Gun and ƒhot it off before he went to Sleep. All this time we were Obliged to lay quiet and huƒh, till the Moon was fairly ƒet. Immediately after, a Number of Fires appeared in different places in the Corn Field, by which Baker ƒaid the Indians lay, the Night being warm and that theƒe Fires wou’d immediately be out, as they were only deƒigned to diƒperƒe the Gnats. By this time it was break of day, and the Men having Marched Thirty Miles were moƒt a ƒleep; the line being long, the three Companies of the Rear were not yet brought over the laƒt precipice. For theƒe ƒome proper Hands were immediately diƒpatched, and the weary Soldiers being rouƒed to their Feet , a proper Number under ƒundry Officers were ordered to take the End of the Hill, at which we then lay, and March along the Top of the ƒaid Hill, at leaƒt one hundred perches, and ƒo much further, it then being day Light, as wou’d carry them Oppoƒite the upper part or at leaƒt the Body of the Town. For the lower part thereof and the Corn Field, preƒuming the Warriors were there, I kept rather the larger Number of the Men, promiƒing to poƒtpone the Attack in that part for Eighteen or Twenty Minutes, until the Detachment along the Hill ƒhould have time to Advance to the place Aƒsigned them, in doing of which, they were a little unfortunate. The time being elapƒed, the Attack was begun in the Corn Field, and the Men with all Expedition poƒsible, diƒpatched thro’ the ƒeveral parts thereof; a party being alƒo diƒpatched to the Houƒes, which were then diƒcovered by the light of the Day. Captain Jacobs immediately gave the War-Whoop, and with Sundry other Indians, as the Engliƒh Priƒoners afterwards told, cried the White Men were at laƒt come, they wou’d then have Scalps enough, but at the ƒame time ordered their Squas and Children to fflee to the Woods. Our Men with great Eagerneƒs paƒsed thro’ and Fired in the Corn Field, where they had ƒeveral Returns from the Enemy, as they alƒo had from the Oppoƒite ƒide of the River. Preƒently after, a briƒk fire begun among the Houƒes, which from the Houƒe of Captain Jacobs was return’d with a great deal of Reƒolution; to which place I immediately repaired and found that from the Advantage of the Houƒe and the Port Holes, ƒundry of our People were wounded, and ƒome killed, and finding that returning the Fire upon the Houƒe was ineffectual Ordered the contiguous Houƒes to be ƒet on Fire; which was performed by Sundry of the Officers and Soldiers, with a great deal of Activity, the Indians always firing, whenever an Object preƒented it ƒelf, and ƒeldom miƒt of Wounding or killing ƒome of our People; From which Houƒe, in moving about to give the neceƒsary Orders and directions, I received a wound from a large Muƒket, Ball in the Shoulder. Sundry Perƒons during the Action were ordered to tell the Indians to Surrender themƒelves priƒoners; but one of the Indians, in particular, anƒwered and ƒaid, he was a Man and wou’d not be a Priƒoner, Upon which he was told in Indian he wou’d be burnt. To this He anƒwered, he did not care for, he wou’d kill four or five before he died, and had we not deƒiƒted from expoƒing ourƒelves, they wou’d have killed a great many more, they having a Number of loaded Guns by them. As the fire began to Approach and the Smoak grow thick, one of the Indian Fellows, to ƒhow his Manhood, began to Sing. A Squa, in the ƒame Houƒe, and at the ƒame time, was heard to cry and make Noiƒe, but for ƒo doing was ƒeverly rebuked by the Men; but by and by the fire being too hot for them, two Indian Fellows and a Squa ƒprung out and made for the Corn Field, who were immediately ƒhot down by Our People, then ƒurrounding the Houƒes it was thought Captain Jacobs tumbled himƒelf out at a Garret or Cock loft Window, at which he was Shot; Our Priƒoners offering to be Qualified to the Powder horn and Pauch, there taken off him, which they ƒay he had lately got from a French Officer in Exchange for lieutenant Armƒtrong's Boots, which he carried from Fort Granvelle, where the Lieutenant was killed. The ƒame Priƒoners ƒay they are perfectly Aƒsured of his Scalp, as no other Indians there wore their Hair in the ƒame manner. They alƒo ƒay they knew his Squa’s Scalp by a particular bob; and alƒo know the Scalp of a Young Indian called the King’s Son. Before this time Captain Hugh Mercer, who early in the Action was wounded in the Arm, had been taken to the Top of a Hill, above the Town, To whom a number of Men and ƒome of the Officers were gathered, From whence they had diƒcovered ƒome Indians croƒs the River and take the Hill with an Intent as they thought, to ƒurround us and cut off our Retreat, from whom I had ƒundry preƒsing Meƒsages to leave the Houƒes and retreat to the Hill, or we ƒhou’d all be cut off; but to this cou’d by no means conƒent until all the Houƒes were ƒet on fire. Tho’ our ƒpreading upon the Hills appeared very neceƒsary, yet did it prevent our Reƒearches of the Corn Field and River ƒide, by which Means ƒundry Scalps were left behind, and doubtleƒs ƒome Squas, Children, and English Priƒoners, that otherwiƒe might have been got. During the burning of the Houƒes, which were near thirty in Number, we were agreably entertained with a Quick Succeƒsion of charged Guns, gradually Firing off as reached by the Fire, but much more ƒo, with the vaƒt Exploƒion Of Sundry Bags & large Cags of Gunpowder, wherewith almoƒt every Houƒe abounded; the Priƒoners afterwd informing that the Indians had frequently ƒaid they had a ƒufficient ƒtock of ammunition for ten Years War with The Engliƒh. With the Prooff of Captain Jacob’s Houƒe, when the Powder blew up was thrown the Leg and Thigh of an Indian with a Child of three or four Years Old, ƒuch a height that they appeared as nothing and fell in the adjacent Corn Field. There was alƒo a great Quantity of Goods burnt which the Indians had received in a preƒent but ten days before from the French. By this time I had proceeded to the Hill to have my wound tyed up and the Blood ƒtopped, where the Priƒoners, which in the Morning had come to our People, informed me that that very day two Battoas of French Men, with a large party of Delaware and French Indians, were to Join Captain Jacobs at the Kittaning, and to ƒet out early the next Morning to take Fort Shirley, or as they called it, George Croghan’s Fort, and that Twenty-four Warriors who had lately come to the Town, were ƒet out before them the Evening before, for what purpoƒe they did not know, whether to prepare Meat, to Spy the Fort, or to make an attack on ƒome of our back Inhabitants. Soon after, upon a little Reflection, we were convinced theƒe Warriors were all at the Fire we had diƒcovered the Night before, and began to doubt the Fate of Lieutent Hogg and his Party, from this Intelligence of the Priƒoners. Our Proviƒions being Scaffolded ƒome thirty Miles back, except what were in the Men’s Haverƒacks, which were left with the Horƒes and Blankets with Lieutenant Hogg and His party, and a Number of wounded People then on hand; by the Advice of the Officers it was thought imprudent then to wait for the cutting down the Corn Field (which was before deƒigned), but immediately to collect our Wounded and force our March back in the beƒt manner we cou’d, which we did by collecting a few Indian Horƒes to carry off our wounded. From the Apprehenƒions of being way laid and ƒurrounded (eƒpecially by ƒome of the Woodƒmen), it was difficult to keep the Men together, our March for Sundry Miles not exceeding two Miles an hour, which apprehenƒions were heightened by the Attempts of a few Indians who for ƒome time after the March fir’d upon each wing and immediately Run off, from whom we received no other Damage but one of our Men’s being wounded thro’ both Legs. Captain Mercer being wounded, was induced, as we have reaƒon to believe, by ƒome of his Men, to leave the main Body with his Enƒign, John Scott, and ten or twelve Men, they being heard to tell him that we were in great Danger, and that they cou’d take him into the Road a nigh Way, is probable loƒt, there being yet no Account of him; the moƒt of the Men come in Detachment was ƒent back to bring him in, but cou’d not find him and upon the Return of the Detachment it was generally reported he was ƒeen with the above Number of Men, take a different Road. Upon our Return to the place, where the Indian Fire had been diƒcovered the Night before, We met with a Sergeant of Captain Mercer’s Company and two or three other of his Men who had deƒerted us that Morning, immediately after the action at the Kittaning; Theƒe Men on running away had met with Lieut. Hogg, who lay wounded in two different parts of his Body by the Road ƒide; He there told them of the fatal Miƒtake of the Pilot, who had aƒsured us there were but three Indians at the moƒt at the Fire place, but when he came to attack them that Morning according to Orders, he found a Number conƒiderably Superior to his, and believes they killed and Mortally wounded three of them the firƒt Fire, after which a warm Engagement began, and continued for above an Hour, when three of his beƒt men were killed and himƒelf twice wounded; the reƒidue fleeing off he was obliged to Squat in a thicket, where he might have laid ƒecurely until the main Body had come up, if this Cowardly Sergeant and others that fleed with him had not taken him away; they had marched but a ƒhort Space when four Indians appeared, upon which theƒe deƒerters began to flee. The Lieutenant then, notwithƒtanding his wounds, as a Brave Soldier, urging and Commanding them to ƒtand and fight, which they all refuƒed. The Indians purƒued, killing one Man and wounding the Lieutenant a third time through the Belly, of which he dyed in a few Hours; but he, having ƒome time before been put on Horƒe back, rode ƒome Miles from the place of Action. But this laƒt Attack of the Indians upon Lieutenant Hogg and the deƒerters was by the beforementioned Sergeant, repreƒented to us in a quite different light, he telling us that there were a far larger Number of the Indians there than appeared to them, and that he and the Men with him had fought five Rounds; that he had there ƒoon the Lieutenant and ƒundry others Killed and Scalped, and had alƒo diƒcovered a Number of Indians throwing themƒelves before us, and inƒinuated a great deal of ƒuch ƒtuff, as threw us into much Confuƒion, ƒo that the Officers had a great deal to do to keep the Men together, but cou’d not prevail with them to collect what Horƒes and other Baggage that the Indians had left after their Conqueƒt of Lieutenant Hogg and the Party under his Command in the Morning, except a few of the Horƒes, which ƒome of the braveƒt of the Men were prevailed on to collect; ƒo that from the miƒtake of the Pilot, who ƒpied the Indians at the Fire, and the Cowerdice of the ƒaid Sergeant and other Deƒerters, we have ƒuƒtained a conƒiderable loƒs of our Horƒes and Baggage. It is impoƒsible to aƒcertain the exact Number of the Enemy killed in the Action, as ƒome were deƒtroy’d by Fire and others in different parts of the Corn Field, but upon a Moderate Computation its generally believed there cannot be leƒs than thirty or Forty killed and Mortally wounded, as much Blood was found in Sundry parts of the Cornfield, and Indians ƒeen in ƒeveral places crawl into the Weeds on their Hands and Feet, whom the Soldiers, in purƒuit of others, then overlooked, expecting to find and Scalp them afterwards; and alƒo ƒeveral kill’d and wounded in croƒsing the River. On beginning Our March back we had about a dozen of Scalps and Eleven Engliƒh Prisƒoners, but now find that four or five of the Scalps are miƒsing, part of which were loƒt on the Road and part in poƒseƒsion of thoƒe Men who with Captain Mercer ƒeperated from the main Body, with whom alƒo went four of the Priƒoners, the other ƒeven being now at this place, where we arrived on Sunday Night, not being ever ƒeperated or attacked thro’ our whole March by the Enemy, tho’ we expected it every Day. Upon the whole, had our Pilots underƒtood the true ƒituation of the Town and the Paths leading to it, ƒo as to have poƒted us at a convenient place, where the Diƒpoƒition of the Men and the Duty aƒsign’d to them cou’d have been performed with greater Advantage, we had, by divine Aƒsiƒtance, deƒtroy’d a much greater Number of the Enemy, recovered more Priƒoners and ƒuƒtained leƒs damage than what we at preƒent have; but tho’ the advantage gained over theƒe our Common Enemy is far from being ƒatiƒfactory to us, muƒt we not diƒpiƒe the ƒmalleƒt degrees of Succeƒs that God has pleaƒed to give, eƒpecially at a time of ƒuch general Calamity, when the attempts of our Enemys have been ƒo prevalent and ƒucceƒsfull. I am ƒure there was the greateƒt inclination to do more, had it been in our power, as the Officers and moƒt of the Soldiers thro’ out the whole Action exerted themƒelves with as much Activity and Reƒolution as cou’d poƒsibly be expected. Our Priƒoners inform us the Indians have for ƒometime paƒt talked of fortifying at the Kittanning and other Towns; That the Number of French at Fort Duqueƒne was about four hundred; that the principle part of their Proviƒions came up the River from the Miƒsiƒsippi, and that in the Three other Forts which the French have on the Ohio there are not more Men, take them together, than what there are at Fort Duqueƒne. I hope, as ƒoon as poƒsible, to receive your Honour’s Inƒtructions with regard to the Deƒtribution or Stationing of the ƒundry Companies in this Battalion, and as a Number of Men are now wanting in each of the Companys, whether or no they ƒhall be immediately recruited, and if the ƒundry Officers are to recruit, that Money be ƒpeedily ƒent for that purpoƒe. I beg the favour of your Honour, as ƒoon as poƒsible to furniƒh Governor Morris with a Copy of this Letter, and the Gentlemen Commiƒsioners for the Province with another, as my preƒent indiƒposition neither admits me to write or dictate any more at this time. In caƒe a Quantity of Amunition is not already ƒent to Carliƒle, it ƒhou’d be ƒent as ƒoon as poƒsible, and alƒo if the Companies are to be recruited and compleated, there muƒt be an immediate Supply of about Three hundred Blankets, as there has been a great many loƒt in the preƒent Expedition. Incloƒed is a liƒt of the killed and wounded and miƒsing of the Several Companies. I expect to get to Carliƒle in about four Days. I am Your Honour’s Moƒt Obedient and moƒt Humble Servant, JNO ARMSTRONG."

    The attack on and burning of Kittanning had the desired effect. Although it did not completely stop the Indian incursions into the settlements of the Euro-Americans, it did contribute to a curtailment of the raids for some time.